The typology of anaphor agreement effect

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Show simple item record Murugesan, Gurujegan 2019-12-05T08:45:02Z 2019-12-05T08:45:02Z 2019-12-05
dc.identifier.other 1684685621 de_DE
dc.identifier.uri de_DE
dc.description.abstract In this paper, I argue that Rizzi’s anaphor agreement effect is in fact not universal as there are languages that show violation to this effect. To the question of why some languages follow anaphor agreement effect and why certain other languages violate it, I demonstrate that this is an independent consequence of whether in a given language the functional head that carries the agreement probe merges first in the structure or the subject DP that that serves as antecedent to the anaphor merges first in the structure. In the former case, the order is Agree > Binding, where the anaphor do not have any phi features to control the agreement resulting in anaphor agreement effect and in the later case, the order is Binding > Agree, where the anaphor will have acquired the required phi features to control the agreement resulting in violation of anaphor agreement effect. en
dc.language.iso en de_DE
dc.publisher Universität Tübingen de_DE
dc.rights ubt-podok de_DE
dc.rights.uri de_DE
dc.rights.uri en
dc.subject.classification Linguistik , Syntax , Schona , Gujarati de_DE
dc.subject.ddc 400 de_DE
dc.subject.ddc 490 de_DE
dc.subject.other Linguistics en
dc.subject.other Agreement en
dc.subject.other Anaphor Agreement Effect en
dc.subject.other Shona en
dc.title The typology of anaphor agreement effect en
dc.type ConferencePaper de_DE
utue.publikation.fachbereich Allgemeine u. vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft de_DE
utue.publikation.fakultaet 9 Sonstige / Externe de_DE
utue.opus.portal triplea5 de_DE


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